Savannah Aleckson
Events Director
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A version of this article was originally published by The American Spectator on September 3, 2022. 


 

President Biden recently announced his plan to forgive up to $40,000 dollars of student loan debt per household making up to $250,000. I wish he had told me about that when I had $1.50 in my bank account and was eating a balanced diet of green beans and Captain Crunch so I could graduate from college debt-free. 

Use of the term “forgiveness” to describe President Biden’s latest political move obscures the true effect. The debts will not simply vanish at the stroke of the President’s pen. “Transfer” would be a more accurate descriptor. Better yet? “Injustice.”

Who will bear the brunt of the shifted weight of student loan debt? The very people President Biden intends to help—middle and working-class Americans—with concentrated harm to those who made smart fiscal choices.

Here’s how: First, it rewards the wrong behaviors. The premise of a college degree is that it increases your lifetime earnings enough to justify its expense. If it doesn’t, then college isn’t right for you.

As recent college graduates, my husband and I put a lot of thought into our higher education and made significant sacrifices to do it the right way. We’ve sacrificed income and standard of living to increase our earning potential and worked hard to ensure we accrued minimal debt along the way.

Do we require a pat on the back or a federal subsidy to do so? No. We will earn back what we’ve lost in future income because we were thoughtful about our fields of study and employment choices. 

While I was skimping and saving to minimize debt, many of my peers were living large, making thoughtless choices about their field of study and are now making minimum payments. As a result of their profligacy, they have large debt balances outstanding while we have paid off our minimal loans. 

This should be the part of the story where they learn a life lesson. Imagine my surprise when I found out that the life lesson was for me: that I was eating cereal for dinner so I can now pay for my profligate peers’ burgers and beers through higher taxes and inflation.

Inflation is a certainty with a massive spending initiative like Biden’s student loan debt repayment plan, with a price tag that could exceed a trillion dollars. For perspective, government direct payments to individuals in the COVID-19 relief effort totaled 931 billion dollars, and the inflationary effects are well-documented

But at least I and many other college graduates have a middle class income with which to absorb the added expense. Inflation poses a much grimmer problem for low-income Americans, many of whom, in a sad irony, don’t have a college degree at all.

Second, it makes good jobs harder to find for working class Americans. There’s a less commonly known but still very real form of inflation: degree inflation

As it turns out, federal programs that pay for college are a two-edged sword. As more people attend college, more employers now see a bachelor’s degree as a basic qualification—even when the job didn’t require one before. One study points out that historically, 16% of production supervisors have held college degrees. Currently, however, ‘67% of job openings for these positions require bachelor’s degrees.'”

More occupations have fallen prey to this degree inflation, including ones that were previously some of the most accessible to the poor, including administrative assistants and childcare workers.

The bottom line? A college degree is no longer considered advanced education but is rather a basic requirement for previously accessible work. This locks the poor out of honest employment opportunities—unless they join the hordes taking out massive debt for increasingly common degrees.

Finally, this does nothing but drive up the cost of college education.

Any modicum of self-restraint and careful planning borrowers should have will certainly be destroyed as they see their school debts less like a loan to repay and more like a meaningless number that can be crossed out by the President’s pen. And universities will leap at the opportunity to make more money from borrowers with all brakes removed. 

As a result, future college students can expect an even higher bill to earn a basic degree—and with it, even more crushing debt. Anyone whose dad doesn’t drive a Porsche is going to have a harder and harder time getting a college degree.

Biden states that his student loan debt plan is to help the working class get a leg up. Sadly, not only will it not do that, it will make the bottom rung of the ladder to success an even higher reach– leaving increasing numbers unable to make it on the ladder at all. 

A virtuous policy is one which rewards the right behaviors, lets reality punish the wrong ones, and makes it easier to earn an honest living. Let’s not confuse President Biden’s student loan debt plan as such.

 

 


James Whitford
Executive Director
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This article was originally published on May 5, 2022 in The Missouri Times.


 

In May 2022, a majority of the Senate of my home state, Missouri, passed legislation to expand benefits of the food stamp program, SNAP. The bill, if passed by the House and signed into law by Missouri Governor Mike Parson, would allow elderly, disabled, and homeless individuals to use their SNAP cards in participating restaurants.

People may like that additional benefit but many, like Bobby, don’t need it. 

Bobby’s small frame and upbeat energy doesn’t quickly reveal his history on the streets. He’s been chronically homeless and a struggling addict for more than 20 years. He finally got free. For the first time in his adult life, he has gainful employment and to top it off, he voluntarily gave up his food stamp card just last month. He handed it to me, gladly exclaiming, “I don’t need it anymore.” I asked why. “I’m working and staying at the mission. Plus, it’s easy to sell them to support a habit.” 

As Franklin D. Roosevelt said, “We have here a human as well as an economic problem.” Speaking about welfare in the midst of great deflation, FDR said in his 1935 State of the Union address, “The lessons of history … show conclusively that continued dependence upon relief induces a spiritual and moral disintegration fundamentally destructive to the national fibre. To dole out relief in this way is to administer a narcotic, a subtle destroyer of the human spirit.”  

Today, legislators are debating welfare in the midst of great inflation. More than the differences in economic environments, the talk is different today, too.  

Whereas FDR may have considered a bill like SB 798 just another dose of a destructive narcotic, minority senate leader, John Rizzo, said, “It’s going to give more people options for healthy food and be a part of society and go into a restaurant.” 

Even if one applauds the government’s support of more than 42 million Americans currently dependent on the USDA’s food stamp program, it’s foolishness to contend that expanding the program to include restaurant access will improve health.

Arizona joined five other states and passed a similar law at the end of last year. Burger King, Dairy Queen, KFC, Taco Bell, and McDonald’s are a few restaurants on a long list that now accept EBT payments. According to the NIH, though, fast food is the cause, not the solution, of early stroke and other risks for people in poverty.   

Regarding “being a part of society,” Senator Rizzo’s heart seems to be in the right place. The building of social capital (relationships with others not in your immediate circle) is vital for a person to beat poverty. More than two decades of work in helping people escape homelessness and poverty has convinced me that there is nothing more important than building real relationships that bridge socioeconomic divides.  But the thought that bolstering benefits on a food stamp card will accomplish that is laughable. In fact, just the opposite will occur if Missouri passes this bill into law. 

Rather than visit churches, soup kitchens or missions like mine for a hot meal where volunteers will reach out with compassion and a listening ear, many of the homeless will hit the local Wendy’s instead.  And who needs locally driven programs that connect willing people to help the elderly with meals, when the state steps in to feed you?  

Legislating compassion always crowds out the source from which charity is delivered most effectively: private citizens. Democrat President Grover Cleveland got it right:

 

“Federal aid in such cases encourages the expectation of paternal care on the part of the government and weakens the sturdiness of our national character, while it prevents the indulgence among our people of that kindly sentiment and conduct which strengthens the bonds of a common brotherhood.”

 

Bobby has given up any “expectation of paternal care on the part of the government” and he loves it. “It feels great!” he said. “I’m integrating back into society. I’m a human being. People used to call me an animal. They don’t look at me like that anymore. My people I work with love me and I love them. I’m doing something. I’m not just sitting still and dying.”  

We have a choice. We can support policy that reinforces the “sturdiness of our national character” and “strengthens the bonds of common brotherhood,” or we can support an expansion of a state program that will continue to widen the relational and economic gap between those who have and those who don’t.  

More reliance on the state’s food program will not only fail to improve physical health, but it will increase government dependency while crowding out more of what compassionate community members can deliver—real relationships required to help those struggling in poverty lead a flourishing life. Like FDR said, it’s more than an economic problem. It’s a human one, too. 

 


 

Photo Source: The U.S. Sun 

 

 


James Whitford
Executive Director
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This article was originally published on April 25, 2022 in The Federalist.


 

Debate over the term ‘homeless’ versus ‘houseless’ doesn’t provide a real solution, and neither does just offering a place to live.

Nathan wasn’t just “houseless,” he was homeless. The young man I befriended at our mission in southwest Missouri was one of those unsheltered homeless guys you might catch a glimpse of on the news as a camera pans a row of tents in a city encampment.

Yet for describing people like Nathan, some are beginning to use the term “houseless” instead of “homeless.” One non-profit based in London, Unhoused.org, rationalizes the shift by saying, “The label of ‘homeless’ has derogatory connotations. It implies that one is ‘less than’, and it undermines self-esteem and progressive change.”

 

Similarly, policy analyst for the American Civil Libertis Union of Southern California, Eve Garrow, shared in a 2021 Architectural Design article, “Homeless has become intertwined with narratives that are toxic. It deserves to be retired.”

Of course, “derogatory connotations” and “toxic” associations are not the cause of the current homeless crisis in America. Nor is a semantic shift toward using the term “houseless” going to put us on a road to helping people into a flourishing life off the streets.

In fact, the term “unhoused” inaccurately isolates and unjustly reduces the complexity of the problem, leading toward an embrace of more simplistic solutions. If a person is “houseless,” then the answer to his problem is, of course, a house.

The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development seems to be under this impression. It recently projected an $11 billion increase in spending for the upcoming fiscal year that includes $32.1 billion – the largest increase ever – for its Housing Voucher Program.

 

However, Nathan admits that, for him, the need is for much more than a house. He didn’t land in our mission’s respite unit to finish his recovery because he lacked a house. He has a broken heart stemming from an alcoholic father who physically abused him until he was seven, when his mother finally divorced. He began drinking at a young age and his addiction landed him on the streets at age 35. A house won’t solve his problem.

Leaders like L.A. Mayor Eric Garcetti disagree. A little more than a year ago, in a keynote address titled, “Unhoused: Addressing Homelessness in California,” Garcetti said, “The only thing that this very diverse group of people … have in common is that they are unhoused. So the solution is housing.” Meanwhile, chronic homelessness in L.A. spiked 68 percent in the last year. Maybe there’s more to it than just housing.

Treating the problem of homelessness like its “houseless-ness” can be likened to treating diabetes like it’s lethargy. Certainly, sluggishness or lethargy is a part of diabetes. Although we may first think to treat our own late afternoon lethargy with a chai latte or a cold Dr. Pepper, that treatment fails the diabetic. Why? Because addressing symptoms is much different than addressing pathology.

The pathology of a disease or social illness is the processes that are often unseen but are the primary contributors to the constellation of symptoms we commonly do see. We’ve got the diagnosis right. It’s homelessness. And although the primary symptom may be houseless-ness, treating the problem by providing housing merely addresses the symptoms. Just as prescribing a chai latte for the lethargic diabetic fails the individual, so also prescribing housing to treat the symptoms of homelessness has failed us all.

 

In the last five years, America has experienced a 28 percent increase in unsheltered homelessness, all while we’ve been feverishly treating the symptoms. In the last 10 years, HUD funding increased 24 percent, having funneled nearly $20 billion into a variety of “housing-first” approaches that focus on providing everything from first-month rent assistance to fully subsidized housing.

We’re certainly spending a lot to address the symptoms of homelessness. A bit more than $625,000 of those HUD dollars just landed in my own city. A lot of people are excited about that and, initially, Nathan was, too. But after talking through it, he realized he had the ability to work, save his money while staying at our mission, and get his own apartment without government assistance.

Rather than accepting the label “houseless” and grabbing his free housing, Nathan stayed at the mission until he saved enough to get his own apartment. Beyond earning and saving, something more important happened while he was at our mission. We became friends. Therein lies the best prescription for the problem: relationship development, or building social capital.

Ultimately, the cure is found in the context of friendship, because the pathology is always based in some aspect of a broken relationship, whether it be between a person and his family, a person and his community, or a person and his God. Nathan admitted he wasn’t just homeless. He was “homeless and hopeless.”

Hope — real hope — will never be found in a government-provided rent check, a HUD housing voucher, or some other housing subsidy. It also won’t be discovered because we quit using the word “homeless.” Ask Nathan. The problem isn’t whether he’s called homeless or unhoused. The problem is that most people don’t know his name.

 

 


Nathan Mayo
Network Director
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A version of this article was originally published in The American Spectator on February 25, 2022.


 

Be on the lookout for this postcard in your mailbox: “Our charity guarantees that 35 percent of your donations will provide toxic chemicals to the down and out. Your crucial support enables the mentally ill to isolate themselves from people who care about them and spiral into irreversible mental and physical destruction. We can’t do it without you. Give today! (Please note that we can only accept cash to avoid all accountability to supporters and the IRS).”

As hard as it is to believe, this is a real “charity.” While they tend to rely on word-of-mouth and signage rather than mailers, they do have affiliates in all 50 states. They receive both public and private funding. As many as 68 percent of Americans donate to them annually, and the national and local government supports this cause with everything from cash to “safe smoking kits.”

The sad irony is that many Americans who were outraged by news that the government is funding crack pipes and needles for drug abuse have been personally donating toward the crack and meth to fill them. (The HHS later denied the pipes but confirmed the needles.)

I’m talking, of course, about giving cash to panhandlers. There has been a fair deal of research about panhandlers, and we know a lot about them as a group. According to a representative study from Orlando, 92 percent admit to being addicted to drugs and alcohol. They self-report spending no less than 35 percent of the money they receive directly on their addictions. Panhandling typically yields more cash than minimum wage (tax free) in addition to in-kind donations and government benefits.

Individual Americans are just following the lead of their elected officials. Major U.S. cities such as San Francisco have taken subsidizing a life on the streets to the next level with “safe sleeping villages” that cost a jaw-dropping $61,000 per tent, per year. Prior to the pandemic, New York City doubled annual spending on homelessness from 2014 to 2019. The result? Homelessness rose by 16 percent.

The actions of kind-hearted donors and politicians both fail because they ignore root causes.

Individuals who spend their days asking for money almost always suffer from a broken personal support structure. If they had friends or family with whom they could stay while they got back on their feet, they would. Perhaps this is why 80 to 90 percent of panhandlers are men. Men aren’t more vulnerable to hard times than women, but they are more susceptible to both addiction and severing relationships.

While panhandlers are mostly homeless, it is important to note that most homeless people aren’t panhandlers. Most people in temporary emergencies do not ask for money on street corners. Four out of five homeless people are in a temporary situation that they eventually work through. The people left on the streets with the signs are the chronically homeless with mental illness (30 percent) and severe addictions.

Regardless of these trends, there is some logic to giving them cash. The basic economic view is that individuals know better than outsiders how to use resources to improve their own situation. If those resources happen to be alcohol or opiates to self-medicate, who are we to protest? In possible evidence of this view, unconditional cash transfers to people in developing countries have been shown to improve their quality of life in measurable ways.

The problem with this logic is that while cash will likely help a random sample of Americans or Kenyans with reasonable amounts of social support, panhandlers are not a random sample of the population. As outlined above, they are dramatically more likely to have addictions, traumatic pasts, and severe mental illness. Intoxication, withdrawal, trauma, mental illness, and extreme poverty each have severely negative effects on people’s ability to make choices they won’t deeply regret the next morning.

Even for the best decision-makers, small amounts of cash and $61,000 tents don’t provide the real opportunity a panhandler needs. It’s hard to save up enough money to get ahead while living out of a backpack. Given this bleak outlook, it’s no wonder that some will choose to spend the pocket change kind strangers give them to join the 100,000 Americans who died from drug overdoses last year.

So don’t stop giving, but give in a way that creates real options. Freely offer them what money can’t buy and what every human needs — meaningful relationships.

Relationships with people who care about them provide both the motivation and the opportunities struggling individuals need to achieve a flourishing life. It may not be possible for every passerby to befriend a person with a sign, but you can support real charities with caseworkers and volunteers that do. Good nonprofits help with mental health, addiction recovery, and stabilizing families. They provide emergency shelter, housing with supportive communities, and work-readiness training. In other words, they provide a path off the streets, not just a way to eke out one more dismal day.

Make no mistake, panhandlers are not living the good life at the expense of uninformed people. Living on the streets is a uniquely lonely, dangerous, and degrading misery. Indeed, panhandlers are living a terrible life at the expense of ignorant people. Stop subsidizing misery and facilitate flourishing instead.

 

 


Nathan Mayo
Membership Director
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A recent administrative action has permanently increased benefits for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) by 25%. Unfortunately, this historic boost fails to address that the current structure of this nearly 60-year-old program does little to accomplish its purpose. The official SNAP webpage proudly proclaims that, “SNAP provides nutrition benefits to supplement the food budget of needy families so they can purchase healthy food…” To that admirable end, the program formerly known as “food stamps” distributed 79 billion dollars to 40 million people last year. Yet this desire to provide wholesome food to needy families conflicts with clear evidence that wholesome food is not what they think they need. Whether they play by the rules or not, people receiving SNAP benefits currently spend between 70% and 100% of that benefit on items other than healthy food.

Government researchers determined that average SNAP recipients increase their food expenditure by only 30% of the value of their benefits. In other words, a person previously spending $300 on food a month who qualifies for $100 of food stamp benefits will start spending $330 on food and shift the $70 from his existing budget to other purposes. This surprisingly low percentage suggests that food is not recipients’ top priority, as people who were in dire need of food would be expected to boost their food budget by the full value of the benefits.

What of the hope that needy families will buy nutritious food? According to a study of a major retailer, recipients spend about 20% of their total grocery budget on junk food, with soft drinks as the top purchase—enough to supply a family of four with 20 two-liters of soda per month. Given the marginal amount of SNAP spent on food and the typical benefits for a family, SNAP literally expands the grocery budget by the exact amount needed to cover the junk food. SNAP recipients also spend about 27% less on fruits and vegetables than non-SNAP households. This difference cannot be attributed to a lack of access because around 85% of SNAP purchases are made at large chain grocery stores with vast produce selections. One factor in these choices is likely smaller grocery budgets and the fact that fresh produce is more expensive.

A less savory contributor to this poor nutrition may be that SNAP encourages unhealthy purchases through the “house money” effect. When gamblers win money, they are less careful with their winnings since they view the “house money” as more disposable than their own cash. Similarly, when people receive SNAP dollars, they are sometimes less careful about their purchases than they would be with their hard-earned dollars. In my role working with poverty-focused nonprofits, I recently came across a woman who recounted how she helped her housemate apply for SNAP and proceeded to help her spend all of their new “fun money” on bags full of candy, soda, and snack cakes.

Additionally, while SNAP is often lauded for its miniscule fraud rates of only around 1%, this figure only counts detected fraud. A higher rate seems more sensible to people who regularly work with SNAP recipients. A few weeks ago, I spoke to a young man in a stable situation who drew SNAP benefits and gave the card to his ineligible mother. In his defensive words, “everyone I know is doing it.” If SNAP investigators are similar to IRS investigators, it is safe to say that they do not detect all fraud. The IRS estimates that they uncover a mere 6% of all tax fraud, or $60 billion recovered of up to $1 trillion in evasion. If the same detection rate holds for SNAP, that would equate to a fraud rate of 15%.

In addition to eligibility fraud, SNAP cards or groceries are regularly resold to others. Reports across the nation confirm that the going rate for this type of fraud is 50 cents on the dollar (MA, MI, GA). This discounted rate points out that SNAP benefits cost twice as much to taxpayers as they are worth to many recipients.

Our good-hearted attempt to provide wholesome food to needy families does not work as we intend. The small effect that SNAP has on grocery budgets and the steeply discounted resale value prove that the nutritional benefit of SNAP is a fraction of what it appears to be. While recipients surely appreciate the boosted spending power, their actions signal that their true needs are more complex than one-size-fits-all programs can address. Not only do in-kind benefits programs like SNAP completely sidestep root causes of poverty, but in many cases, their image of delivering vital sustenance to people in need is mere illusion.

 

 

Nathan Mayo
Network Director
Read more from Nathan

 

 

An in-depth survey on who uses expensive payday loans and why showed that lack of financial knowledge was a significant factor. According to the surveyors, “On several occasions, borrowers in focus groups equated the simple interest rate (e.g., 15 percent for a loan with a $15 per $100 fee for two weeks) with the Annual Percentage Rate disclosed for a credit card (which might be 15 percent on an annual basis).” This lack of knowledge can and often does lead to terrible financial decisions. 

While critics often assert that the poor are the best money managers by necessity, the evidence does not support the claim. In the Federal Reserve’s tri-annual financial survey, the top quartile of households scored about 38% better on very simple financial literacy questions than the poorest quartile. Upon closer examination, this lack of financial literacy is not a special characteristic of poverty but rather is a secondary connection to lower formal education among low-income households. 

Certainly, knowledge is not the only barrier to financial prosperity. If the poor had more income, they would also have an easier time maintaining cash savings, investing, and not needing payday loans. But, insofar as they sometimes do have other options, more knowledge would certainly benefit them. The poor are more likely to fall for “rent-to-own” schemes to pay for household appliances. Of the 12 million Americans who use payday loans each year, most do not use them for emergencies but rather take an average of eight loans a year and pay $520 in interest. Seventy-seven percent report using payday loans for recurring expenses, including cable subscriptions or optional purchases such as weekend getaways. 

In fact, this missing financial knowledge may be even more important to the poor than to the middle class, because the middle class often have default access to asset building tools like 401(k) plans and home ownership. Wealth building tools are more democratized than ever—with as little as $1 and internet access, anyone can invest in funds with quality stocks and bonds, but you must be informed in order to take advantage of them.

To non-profit and policy leaders the solution seems simple: educate the poor. Unfortunately, such education often has far less impact than intended. According to an oft-cited analysis of 90 studies, the average effect of financial education interventions on behavior is a depressing 0.1%. There is a relationship between pre-existing financial knowledge and better decision making, but most financial training interventions did not improve behavior, even if it did temporarily increase knowledge. 

There are numerous explanations of why this might be. According to the study, financial knowledge decays over time such that it has no effect on behavior at about 18 months. This may be in part due to conflicting information from non-experts and biased financial advice from people selling products. Other studies suggest that giving people financial information that is too technical may intimidate them and reduce their confidence, which actually causes worse financial decisions.

On the positive side, there is good evidence that we can improve people’s financial decisions, but the approach must be strategic. If a program is only teaching clients about the power of compound interest, it is unlikely to accomplish anything.

First, focus on cultivating financial soft skills. Some of the best predictors of good financial decisions are basic numeracy, propensity to plan, confidence in ability to research, and willingness to take prudent risk. A course can focus on instilling confidence, making prudent risk seem acceptable, and teaching people how to find reliable financial information rather than merely giving them the information. Keep all the information as simple as possible and action-oriented to ensure you do not intimidate learners with jargon.

Second, create opportunities for immediate application. Financial education is far more effective when delivered just prior to a financial decision. A nonprofit could use a mentoring program to help a client build and enact a budget and save for financial goals. They could use part of the instructional time to help people compare accessible investment opportunities or insurance options and sign up on the spot. Nonprofits can also offer a boost to people moving in the right direction via a program like a matched savings account, food co-op, some additional work opportunities for the under-employed, or access to an interest-free loan to pay off high interest debt. 

Third, build a supportive community. When people are in doubt, they tend to do what they perceive others like themselves are doing. You can leverage this principle, called “social proof,” by using a class structure that allows people to share their achievements and aspirations with others. While studies show this effect is powerful, it can also backfire. If the class is mandated and a significant fraction of the attendees aren’t happy to be there and aren’t planning to apply the knowledge, this effect can be contagious. Additional evidence shows, if the class is mixed-income and the middle-class attendees are sharing goals that would be unattainable by poorer participants, this can also demotivate poorer participants and cause them to save less. 

It is possible to do all three things well, as programs like the Faith and Finances Curriculum demonstrate. One independent assessment showed dramatic improvements in financial behaviors, including emergency funds, budgeting, and conversations about money with loved ones at the end of the course. 

This topic is an important reminder to nonprofit leaders that increasing knowledge is often not enough to inspire change. We must care about the effect of our programs on people’s actions, and we must not cease until we see our activity is generating results. 

 


True Charity Network members have access to detailed reviews of several popular financial curricula available for churches and nonprofits. Network members can click here to view the Curriculum Review Database. Non-members can click here to learn how to get access.

 


This article is just the tip of the iceberg for the practical resources available through the True Charity Network. Check out all of the ways the network can help you learn, connect, and influence here.

Already a member? Access your resources in the member portal.


 

 


James Whitford
Executive Director
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Self-styled progressive Democrats demand that Congress pass a “human infrastructure” package that would provide funding for “free” college and preschool, alongside other social agenda items.

Jon, a man whose story I know, would have called it a “government package.” Jon, who is middle-aged, had a HUD housing voucher and food stamp benefits, and was on track for disability approval.

None of it helped Jon with his chronic addiction and cyclical homelessness, though. And that was why he stood in my office asking to join our residential long-term recovery program.

Program participants agree to give up all pursuit of government aid and to work toward self-reliance instead. Jon did it. He went on to gain full-time employment as an over-the-road truck driver and, in doing so, independence from the state.

During an interview at a local radio station, Jon said: “Giving up that government package was the hardest decision I had ever made in my life.”

Jon called it a government package. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi might call it human infrastructure. It’s a term I’d never heard until late August, when the California Democrat championed the idea from the House floor.

“Not only are we building the physical infrastructure of America, we are building the human infrastructure of America,” Pelosi said in reference to the $3.5 trillion spending bill that is separate from the $1.2 trillion infrastructure bill focused on highways, bridges, ports, and the like.

Maybe it was because Pelosi placed the $3.5 trillion social spending package alongside a bill that deals more with trusses, concrete, and rebar that I felt denigrated to something a little less than human.

Fighting poverty on the front lines over the past two decades has taught me to see the unique capacity and inherent dignity in every person. I’ve also learned that handouts, whether private or public, tend to rob people of dignity and self-worth.

Yet, a large chunk of this $3.5 trillion proposal (more than $700 billion) is to provide just that—handouts in the way of “free” college, “free” pre-K, and “free” day care.

It’s shameful to call these expansions of the welfare state “human infrastructure.” The human person is not a structure to be supported or undergirded by the state.

Contrary to the pitch made by Pelosi, Senate Majority Leader Charles Schumer, President Joe Biden, and its other promoters, if passed into law this massive spending boondoggle will be both wasteful and harmful.

“Free” stuff from the government results in poor stewardship and price increases, and wears away at the true undergirding of America’s greatness—civil society.

First, people don’t tend to care for free stuff. A school administrator called me one day for advice on the issue of poor stewardship. School supplies handed out with free backpacks were strewn about lockers and hallways. She was frustrated by the carelessness of her students.

“It’s natural for us to care more about things we’ve worked for,” I told her.

College is no exception. “Free” college already has proven to be more a failure than success. The first major study of graduation rates for Pell Grant recipients revealed that less than half (41%) graduate, compared with 61% of their non-Pell counterparts.

Second, government handouts drive up costs. “Free” child care sounds good, but there’s a price to pay. In the United Kingdom, that price to pay rose significantly. After the U.K. instituted “free” child care for 30 hours per week in 2017, day care prices shot up by 7%.

It’s no wonder. When the government purchases private sector services, the market responds, hurting non-qualifying families who are forced to pay market price.

Lastly, not only is it impossible for the government to provide real “human infrastructure,” but the attempt to do so is certain to undermine further a primary foundation of America’s greatness, which is civil society.

Interdependency found in natural associations within communities has made America great. The more we depend on the state, the less we lean on one another.

The French historian and political philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville warned us in his early nineteenth-century biography of the United States, Democracy in America: “The more [the government] puts itself in place of associations, the more particular persons, losing the idea of associating with each other, will need it to come to their aid.”

Pelosi clearly believes we need government to come to our aid. But to support her plan for “human infrastructure” is to support the erosion of a life more responsible, affordable, and relational.

Last year, Jon paid me a surprise visit. It was good to see him and to note the contrast from the person who had stepped in my office a few years back.

I asked him, “Of all the components in our program, what made the difference?”

He responded immediately, “My mentor.”

The local businessman who built a relationship with Jon was pivotal to his recovery. It wasn’t Jon’s “government package” that helped him, and it won’t be Pelosi’s “human infrastructure” package that will help us.

Genuine compassion, personal charity, and real relationship is what we need.

 


This article was originally published in the Daily Signal, found here. 

 

 


James Whitford
Executive Director
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Time ran out before I could answer an important question asked by Vice-chair Adams at a recent U.S. Congress hearing before the Nutrition, Oversight and Department Operations subcommittee. Regarding The Future of SNAP: Moving Past the Pandemic, Vice-chair Adams asked,

“Do you believe that private charities and nonprofits could immediately and effectively provide for the 42 million Americans who are currently supported by SNAP?” 

Eager to share from my experience running a homeless mission for some of those 42 million individuals on food stamps, I submitted a version of the following written response:

 


 

I am hopeful we can all agree that 1 American or 42 million Americans “supported by SNAP” is not optimal, and that our common ground upon which to rally is to see as few people as possible supported by the government.

When one of my favorite Presidents, Democrat Grover Cleveland, vetoed the Texas Seed Bill of 1887, he wrote,“…the lesson should be constantly enforced that, though the people support the Government, the Government should not support the people.” He also commented on the risk “federal aid” poses to the bonds between people. 

“The friendliness and charity of our countrymen can always be relied upon to relieve their fellow-citizens in misfortune… Federal aid in such cases encourages the expectation of paternal care on the part of the government and weakens the sturdiness of our national character…”

I echo President Cleveland in arguing that “support” from the Federal Government has a myriad of disruptive effects that adversely impact the natural affiliations within family and community. 

One church in my city partnered with an organization called the Pack Shack which facilitates “funnel parties.” The entire church assembled on a Sunday and instead of listening to a sermon, they packed 40,000 dry-stored, nutritious (and even good-tasting) meals during their normal two service times. I know—it’s a drop in the bucket—but it was one church on one Sunday. There are approximately 380,000 churches in the United States. If half of them did the same just twice per year, they would provide a meal to each of those 42 million people every day. 

We might hope that SNAP is merely “supplemental” to what’s being provided by those more meaningful sources. Unfortunately, it’s not. An homeless man who resides and eats at our mission shared a letter regarding his SNAP benefits with me yesterday. It reads, “The amount of benefits you will continue to receive are: $234.00 thru 05/2022.” More astounding than the amount exceeding “supplemental” was this man’s response when I asked him if he was working. “No way,” he replied. The incentives in place for able-bodied individuals, along with those that make liquidation and abuse of the benefit commonplace, result in a woeful inflation of SNAP numbers compared to real need. 

The more power the government holds, the less the people are empowered. Empowerment does not come by the simple transfer of wealth, but at the moment a person realizes he or she can create it. So, the more the government grows in its unmerited transfer of wealth to the poor, the less the poor person will find the flourishing life and freedom for which he or she was created. 

I am not asking you to close the SNAP program tomorrow. I only hope you’ll consider that the involvement of the Federal Government in helping people in my community has also brought its share of hurt. 

Lastly, please remember that the excellence of our nation stems in great part from its establishment as a republic. We were never intended to, nor should we be a nation ruled by mob nor by an elite aristocracy, but by the people. In his letter to John Taylor in 1816, Thomas Jefferson wrote;

“The further the departure from direct and constant control by the citizens, the less has the government of the ingredient of republicanism.”

Thank you for working with me to realize a grander America in which we have rightfully returned to the citizenry’s direct and constant control that which it does best: love and care for neighbors in need. 

 


 

FURTHER RESOURCES

 

 

 


James Whitford
Executive Director
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This article was also published on FEE.org on July 25, 2021.


[/et_pb_text][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.9.2″ _module_preset=”default”]“We must remember for every dollar spent by a SNAP recipient, the economy is stimulated by $1.50.” This was shared more than once in a recent Congressional hearing on the future of the Federal Government’s largest feeding program, SNAP (Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or food stamp benefits). It was one of the arguments to support SNAP’s sustained expansion after the 15% increase in benefits that came with the recent passage of the American Rescue Plan Act and before the American Family Plan that intends to expand SNAP even further for kids and ex-felons. I was the only witness of five at the hearing who testified in opposition. After repeatedly hearing the economic stimulus justification, I texted the Deputy Staff Director for the House Committee on Agriculture, “Has no one heard of The Broken Window fallacy?” 

Frederic Bastiat, a French economist published an 1850 essay titled, “That Which is Seen and That which is Not Seen”, reminding readers that the difference between a good economist and a bad one is that the latter takes into account the effects that are seen, but the good economist considers those effects that are both seen and unseen. To illustrate this, he penned the parable of The Broken Window, in which a shop owner’s window is broken by a careless boy. The bystanders hardly feel sorry for the shop owner, explaining that though he will be out the money for the window, the window repairman is dependent on such accidents for a job. The fixer gains pay, and the shop owner gains a new window. All is well, until Bastiat points out the unseen—that the shop owner’s dollars might have been spent on a pair of new shoes which would have satisfied both the need of the shop owner and employment of that unseen third person, the shoemaker.  

It’s not hard to see how the food stamp program has some effect of economic stimulation. One government report explains that for every billion dollars in SNAP benefits, the GDP grows by 1.54 billion and creates 13,560 jobs. This is what is seen. What is unseen? The jobs created in the particular sectors outlined in the report result in an average annual salary of just under $52,000, leaving the good economist to wonder at the waste of spending a billion dollars to create 13,560 of them. That breaks down to a cost of almost $74,000 per job.  

“But people are fed,” some may contend; and that is correct—about 42 million of them through the program currently. That is what is seen. However, there are yet other unseen misfortunes that stem from this welfare program. A young homeless man, Terry, who entered the long-term work ready program at our homeless mission, spoke candidly with me when I asked him about his previous use of food stamps. “What would you have done if they had not been available to you?” I asked. He paused before chuckling, “I probably would have gotten me a job.” According to one DC-based policy thinktank, Terry is one of more than a million. Specifically, they estimate that work requirements for able-bodied adults without dependents (ABAWDs) would have put 1.3 million people at risk of losing their SNAP benefits. In my state of Missouri, when work requirements were enforced in 2016, more than 85% of ABAWDs like Terry who were dependent on SNAP dropped off the welfare role and their incomes more than doubled through more work and new jobs.  

“Well, at least the government is doing something to help people.” Let’s consider again the unseen. One supporter of our privately funded nonprofit wrote me last month, “I no longer plan on giving to charities… If you need funding, please contact your city government as the federal government has given them more money than they know what to do with.” SNAP or other public programs that disburse resources to help the poor routinely and quietly crowd out the private sector. One study discovered that for every dollar injected into the economy by the government, churches reduce their spending to address the same social need by at least $.50.  Considering the well-established likelihood of local donors becoming volunteers and interacting with those in need, the very relationships crucial to help any person out of poverty are also crowded-out when government charity steps in.  

As the spectators in Bastiat’s parable realized the benefit of the broken window, they joined the window repairman in blessing the child for his carelessness. They shrug at the seemingly inevitable destruction.  

Today, many politicians do the same, unable to address the real causes of poverty. Instead, they applaud food stamps as if the national GDP depends on ever-increasing levels of hunger. 

While government-mandated remedies simply move money around, we know the human creativity of the market creates real growth. Let’s stop settling for broken windows and begin searching for real solutions.

 


Nathan Mayo
Membership Director
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This article was originally published on FEE.org on July 12, 2021.


 

The top quarter of American income earners can expect to live a decade longer than the bottom quarter, medical research shows. This health disparity seems downright cruel. Not only do those in poverty have to pay more for things like credit and insurance, they also pay more years to the Grim Reaper.

Unlike income inequality, transferring years of life from the rich to the poor is not a feasible option. To find a real solution, we must know what drives the inequity.

Could disparate medical attention be the cause?

The upper crust has access to (and inspires the creation of) cutting-edge medical treatment that the poor cannot afford. Healthcare is expensive, so it stands to reason that the rich would end up with more of it in our current system. Though this is an intuitive theory, it collapses when we learn that there is also a comparable difference in life expectancy between the rich and poor even in countries where access to care is identical. In the German city of Hamburg, for instance, the life expectancy gap between the richest and poorest neighborhoods is 13 years—despite equal access to the exact same medical facilities.

Fortunately, a thorough body of research has already solved this puzzle. By comparing health outcomes in US counties with demographic characteristics of the residents, numerous studies have shown which characteristics correlate with longer lives. In one frequently cited study in The American Journal of Preventive Medicine, researchers determined that four groups of factors had a significant impact on life expectancy and other measures of health.

Socioeconomic factors such as unemployment, violent crime, and lack of social support explain 47 percent of the worse health of the poor. While unstable families and unemployment do not kill people directly, they are connected to mental health problems and stress-triggered conditions like heart disease.  Unhealthy behaviors such as poor diet, substance abuse, and risky sexual activity explain 34 percent of the rougher health of the poor. The smallest notable influencers are environmental factors such as pollution and access to recreational facilities (3 percent). Quality of and access to clinical care explains a mere 16 percent of the difference.

Unpacking the precise magnitude of the 35 factors in the study would take a long time. However, we can say with confidence that if we completely equalized access to healthcare through a program like Medicare-for-all, the most impact we could hope to have on reducing health inequality is about 16 percent of the gap. This marginal improvement would come at a fiscal cost greater than the existing Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid bills combined. Furthermore, that equalization of access would not guarantee that the poor would live a day longer. A more likely outcome is just that the rich would die sooner. This seems probable because the American upper quintile lives several years longer than the upper quintile in countries with universal healthcare like Canada and the United Kingdom.

Alas, solutions to complex problems like health inequity cannot be reduced to sound bites such as “free healthcare for all.” Real solutions must be as varied as the problems of the individuals involved. Helping people move up the health and wealth ladder is not as easy as it sounds; different people require different solutions. Some people need help with substance abuse, some need job training, and some just need a friend.

If you are skeptical about the government’s ability to craft tailored, personal solutions with blunt national programs, your distrust is well-founded. Denmark faces a widening health gap even as their government spends 51 cents from every dollar of Danish production on healthcare. In America, as the government has subsumed more poverty fighting, solutions have become less tailored and less effective. The life expectancy gap between the rich and poor continues to increase—even as the government now spends a trillion dollars a year on poverty alleviation.

Yet, there remains a solution hidden in plain sight. We are the solution. Not the mythical collective “we” that votes for a panel of bureaucrats to help our neighbors. The real solution is “we,” the collection of individuals who can help the people we know personally and support local charities to help those we have not met.

The efforts of individuals, local charities, and houses of worship are fundamentally different from government programs because they do have the flexibility to tailor solutions. We do have the ability to determine whether someone needs emergency food or dietary class. We can be a friend to someone contemplating suicide. If you care about justice for the poor, then share fewer political memes and go volunteer at your local homeless shelter. Learn about one man’s problems and be a part of his solution.

No matter who is elected to any office, there is nothing that the government can do for those living in poverty that we cannot do better ourselves.